This video, "Aussie AFA History: William Cooper" published on September 22, 2022, by Tom Tanuki, recounts the life and activism of William Cooper, a significant Indigenous Australian land rights campaigner. It highlights his powerful act of solidarity on December 6, 1938, when he led the Australian Aborigines League to the German consulate in Melbourne to formally protest the Nazi persecution of Jewish people—an action noted as likely being the world's first formal protest by a private organization against the Nazi regime before World War II.
Tom Tanuki is the pseudonym for an Australian writer, satirist, and anti-fascist activist who frequently creates content on the Australian political fringe, using his platform to scrutinise far-right movements and champion human rights. He is a prominent voice in the independent media landscape, with contributions to numerous outlets including Independent Australia, Green Left, New Matilda, and True News Weekly, as well as being known for his journalism and analysis in other national publications such as Crikey and The Saturday Paper. Tanuki's activism focuses on the necessity for Australian anti-fascism to acknowledge and centre the Indigenous struggle against settler colonialism. He is known for his unique approach to political commentary through satire and direct action, which he develops both online and on stage, most notably through the anti-racist group Yelling At Racist Dogs (YARD) and the satirical nationalist group Million Flag Patriots.
Through his weekly videos on YouTube and consistent coverage, he documents and counter-protests against far-right and neo-Nazi mobilisations across the country.
Tom Tanuki's Online Presences:
Official Website: tomtanuki.net
Instagram: tomtanuki
Facebook: Tom Tanuki
YouTube: Tom Tanuki
Twitter: @tom_tanuki
Patreon: Tom Tanuki
This video, "Aussie AFA History: William Cooper" published on September 22, 2022, by Tom Tanuki, recounts the life and activism of William Cooper, a significant Indigenous Australian land rights campaigner. It highlights his powerful act of solidarity on December 6, 1938, when he led the Australian Aborigines League to the German consulate in Melbourne to formally protest the Nazi persecution of Jewish people—an action noted as likely being the world's first formal protest by a private organization against the Nazi regime before World War II.
Tom Tanuki is the pseudonym for an Australian writer, satirist, and anti-fascist activist who frequently creates content on the Australian political fringe, using his platform to scrutinise far-right movements and champion human rights. He is a prominent voice in the independent media landscape, with contributions to numerous outlets including Independent Australia, Green Left, New Matilda, and True News Weekly, as well as being known for his journalism and analysis in other national publications such as Crikey and The Saturday Paper. Tanuki's activism focuses on the necessity for Australian anti-fascism to acknowledge and centre the Indigenous struggle against settler colonialism. He is known for his unique approach to political commentary through satire and direct action, which he develops both online and on stage, most notably through the anti-racist group Yelling At Racist Dogs (YARD) and the satirical nationalist group Million Flag Patriots.
Through his weekly videos on YouTube and consistent coverage, he documents and counter-protests against far-right and neo-Nazi mobilisations across the country.
Tom Tanuki's Online Presences:
Official Website:
1. Introduction: William Cooper's Anti-Colonial Mission and the 1938 Protest ✊️
This report was inspired by the video, "Aussie AFA History: William Cooper" (10), which highlighted the extraordinary life and moral action of Aboriginal activist William Cooper. While the video effectively chronicles Cooper's stand against Nazism, this report aims to add crucial, critical information that the original video may not have addressed: specifically, the contemporary political instrumentalization of Cooper's legacy by the Jewish National Fund (JNF) and the Australian government, and the profound contradictions this creates concerning issues of land rights and apartheid.
William Cooper was a towering figure in the Indigenous rights movement. Born around 1860 (8) in the Yorta Yorta territory on the Murray River (8) in Victoria, he was a survivor of the colonial frontier and a powerful advocate for his people, fighting for land rights (8) and the "elevation of the race to equality with the white race" (8). Cooper, known for his deep commitment to Christian principles and non-violent political action, founded the Australian Aborigines' League (AAL) in 1933 (8). The foundation of the AAL was a pivotal moment, shifting Indigenous political action from regional protest to an organized, national lobbying effort directed at the federal government (67) for rights such as representation in parliament and access to unalienated lands (67). Crucially, the AAL became the first and only civil organization in the world to formally protest Kristallnacht (69) on December 6, 1938 (9), an act that cemented Cooper's legacy as a universal defender of human rights.
The globally recognized protest occurred when Cooper, at the age of 77 (9), led a delegation that included his colleague and fellow activist William Ferguson (96), to the German Consulate in Melbourne to deliver a petition condemning the "cruel persecution of the Jewish people by the Nazi Government of Germany" (6). The German Consul, Dr. Drechsler, notably refused to accept the petition (97), an act of diplomatic snub that nevertheless underscored the moral courage of Cooper's action. Cooper explicitly linked this international solidarity to his domestic struggle, stating he saw "the same treatment here" (8) regarding Aboriginal people. The core message of Cooper's protest was the universality of human rights and the direct moral obligation to condemn injustice regardless of its geography, a principle directly undermined by his subsequent instrumentalization.
2. History of Indigenous Rights and Australian Colonialism: The Context of Dispossession 
To comprehend the significance of William Cooper's actions, and the profound hypocrisy of Australia's diplomatic moralizing, it is necessary to establish the foundational context of Australian colonial history and the systematic denial of Indigenous rights that defined Cooper's life and the lives of his descendants.
Terra Nullius and The Fiction of Peaceful Settlement
Doctrine of Terra Nullius: The foundational legal principle of Australian colonization was Terra Nullius (land belonging to no one) (88). The British Crown, upon arrival in 1788 (89), declared the continent empty of owners, effectively extinguishing any existing Indigenous sovereignty, land rights, or legal systems (88). This legal fiction sanctioned the mass, often violent, takeover of the entire continent, which Indigenous Australians refer to as the "Invasion" (89). Estimates place the initial Indigenous population at around 750,000 at the time of invasion, a number decimated by frontier violence and disease (98).
Lack of Treaty and Ongoing Conflict: Unlike many other settler-colonial nations (e.g., the U.S. or Canada), the British Crown entered into no treaties (90) with any of the hundreds of sovereign Indigenous nations across Australia. This absence of formal agreement ensured that the land transfer was, from the perspective of the First Peoples, an uncompensated and complete theft (90). The resulting conflict, known as the Australian Frontier Wars (99), lasted for over a century, a sustained period of low-intensity guerrilla warfare and massacres that the Australian state long failed to officially acknowledge (99).
The Era of Protection and Control (1880s – 1960s)
Aborigines Protection Acts: Beginning in the late 19th century, colonial and state governments instituted Aborigines Protection Acts (81) and created bureaucratic bodies, such as the NSW Aborigines Protection Board (81). These laws were ostensibly for the "protection" of Aboriginal people but were, in practice, totalitarian instruments of social control and enforced segregation (81). These Boards controlled nearly every aspect of life, including wages, movement, marriage, and residence on reserves like Cummeragunja (81).
The Stolen Generations: These Boards were granted vast legal powers, most famously the authority to forcibly remove Indigenous children from their families and communities (91). This policy, which created the Stolen Generations, was an explicit attempt at biological and cultural assimilation (91), aimed at dissolving Indigenous identity through violence and separation, the very policy William Cooper and his generation experienced and fought against (81). The formal government apology for the Stolen Generations would not come until 2008 (100), decades after the policies ended.
Denial of Citizenship and Rights: When William Cooper led his protest in 1938, the vast majority of Aboriginal people were not considered full citizens: they were subject to specific discriminatory state laws, were generally not counted in the census (92), and were denied the right to vote (92) in federal elections until a partial extension in 1962 and full enfranchisement in 1967 (101).
Aboriginal Resistance and the Fight for Recognition
The Day of Mourning (1938): William Cooper himself was a pivotal figure in the formalization of Aboriginal political resistance (8). On January 26, 1938 (Australia Day), Cooper organized the "Day of Mourning" (93), a critical civil rights protest held at Australian Hall in Sydney (93). This action, following soon after the Kristallnacht protest, simultaneously highlighted the lack of freedom and justice within Australia while also asserting the unbroken sovereignty of Aboriginal people (93). This was the first national Aboriginal civil rights gathering (93).
Land Rights Movement and Mabo: The core struggle remained Land Rights (8). Despite the legal fiction of Terra Nullius, the 1992 Mabo Decision (94) by the High Court of Australia finally overturned Terra Nullius, acknowledging that a form of Native Title (94) existed where it had not been legally extinguished. The subsequent government response, the Native Title Act (1993), severely restricted the application of Native Title, requiring the rigorous and often impossibly costly test of proving continuous connection to the land (95). This response exemplified the enduring colonial reluctance to yield control over land.
This deep history of systematic state violence, legal denial, and forced displacement forms the ethical and political lens through which all modern Australian actions, particularly those relating to international human rights and land disputes, must be viewed.
3. The Context of Stolen Land and JNF's Colonial Charter and Finance 
The honors bestowed upon Cooper cannot be divorced from their geopolitical location and the operations of the Jewish National Fund (JNF), a key instrument in colonial land acquisition.
JNF Founding and Charter: The JNF was founded in 1901 (34) to purchase land in the Ottoman-ruled territory of Palestine "for the Jewish people" (34). Its charter strictly mandates that the land it acquires is inalienable (34) and cannot be leased, sold, or rented to non-Jews (35). This has been deemed a formal mechanism of institutionalized discrimination (35) that violates international standards of equality. The JNF holds 13% of the land in Israel (70), and its status as a private body working for a specific ethnic-religious group, while managing state land, creates a unique legal structure that ensures ongoing land exclusion (102).
Role in Ethnic Cleansing and Land Use: After 1948, the JNF took control of land belonging to the 750,000 forcibly displaced Palestinians (19), acting as a state agent to prevent the return of refugees and remove evidence of depopulated villages by planting forests over destroyed homes (9, 11, 36). JNF-planted forests are often cited as a tool of environmental erasure, known as "Greenwashing" (75). The specific JNF practice of planting non-native pine trees is used to obscure the foundations and terraces of destroyed Palestinian villages (103), actively concealing historical evidence of the Nakba.
Location of the Honor: The JNF planted the grove of 70 trees in Cooper's name in April 2009 (2) in the Martyrs’ Forest (Ya'ar HaKdoshim). This forest is located on the outskirts of West Jerusalem (9), near the community of Kibbutz Tzur Hadassah (104), and was established over land depopulated of its Palestinian inhabitants during the Nakba (Catastrophe) of 1948 (9, 13). The specific land in question belonged to the ethnically cleansed village of Bayt Umm al-Mays (71), whose residents were displaced in October 1948 during Operation Ha-Har (71), directly implicating the honor in the process of colonial erasure.
4. Details and Guests of the Israeli Homage Ceremonies and Initial Family Endorsement
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The two main ceremonies were high-profile diplomatic and political events, carefully orchestrated for maximum public relations impact.
JNF Forest Dedication (April 2009): This ceremony, sponsored by the JNF (2) in the Martyrs' Forest, was attended by a substantial delegation. Key family guests included Alfred 'Uncle Boydie' Turner (Grandson) and Lance Turner (Great-grandson) (5, 12). Israeli officials present included Deputy Foreign Minister Danny Ayalon (105). The tree planting involved the recitation of a Kaddish (the Jewish mourner's prayer) (105), symbolically linking the Shoah to Cooper’s protest and setting the tone for the subsequent commemoration, thereby mobilizing the memory of the Holocaust for political ends (105).
Yad Vashem Ceremony (December 2010): This event was co-sponsored by the Australian government and the Australian Jewish community (3) at Yad Vashem, the World Holocaust Remembrance Center in Jerusalem (3). Key guests included Kevin Rudd MP (Australian Foreign Minister) (3), making it a formal state-level endorsement, and a large delegation of 15 descendants (3). At the ceremony, Rudd praised Cooper’s act as "an extraordinary example of moral courage" (20), a statement of moral capital used to shield Australia's less ethical foreign policy positions.
Initial Family Endorsement and Approval: Cooper's descendants publicly and unequivocally approved of the Israeli honors, expressing pride and gratitude (12, 49), providing the necessary moral cover for the JNF's public relations effort. Grandson Alfred Turner stated, "My grandfather would be very proud to see us here... It's all about human rights" (105), a quote that was widely circulated to emphasize the family's blessing of the Israeli state's role, effectively sanctioning the land theft by focusing solely on humanitarian solidarity.
5. Kooramyee Cooper: Current Advocacy and Explicit Pro-Israel Alignment (Escalated Implication) 
The involvement of Kooramyee Cooper (Great-niece) has evolved from an attending descendant to a central, active, and ideological political advocate for Indigenous-Israeli solidarity, making her role critical to the instrumentalization project.
Initial Alignment (December 2008): As early as December 2008, Kooramyee Cooper was present at the tribute ceremony at the State Parliament in Melbourne (86). At that time, she was quoted describing her great-uncle as "a visionary who realised that others were similar to Aborigines... Uncle William knew what was happening to Jews was wrong" (49, 86).
Active Political Diplomacy and Public Relations: She has since moved into direct, high-level advocacy as a leading voice for the group promoting the narrative of kinship between Indigenous Australians and the Jewish people. Her participation is consistently used to counter global solidarity movements with Palestine. She is a recognized spokesperson for this pro-Israel faction of the family, granting her a platform in Zionist media outlets and diplomatic circles (51).
High-Level IEJ Engagement (2024-2025): Her involvement has been central to the operations of the Indigenous Embassy Jerusalem (IEJ), which launched in February 2024 (50) and is backed by the Indigenous Coalition For Israel (84). The IEJ's explicit mission is to "stand against antisemitism and provide a tangible expression of indigenous peoples' support for Israel and affirmation of the Jewish people's indigenous status" (85). She actively participated in the IEJ's First Nations North America Summit (85), strengthening the ideological network and using the shared struggle narrative to promote a political agenda.
Theological & Political Declaration (September 2025): Kooramyee Cooper has actively signed and promoted IEJ declarations that frame the conflict in explicit theological terms, asserting a divine right to the land for the Jewish people. This includes a declaration in September 2025 citing the Old Testament book of Jeremiah (Jeremiah 30:3) and Zechariah (Zechariah 12:7) to proclaim that the Creator, the God of Israel, promised to "restore the fortunes of My people of Israel" (85). This step moves her support from general solidarity to a profound Christian Zionist ideological alignment that fundamentally denies Palestinian indigeneity.
The "Kinship and Zionism" Statement (October 2024): She was a key figure in the international delegation of Indigenous leaders to Jerusalem in late October 2024 (51). The event, which included delegates from various Indigenous groups in the US and Canada (51), was framed by organizers as a "meaningful public expression of their kinship with the Jewish people and their Zionism" (51). Her endorsement explicitly links the William Cooper legacy, through his great-niece, to the ideology of Zionism, confirming the total co-optation of his anti-colonial stance and making her an active political agent in the instrumentalization effort, a complete reversal of his life's work.
666. The Indigenous Friends of Israel (IFI): A Counter-Narrative of Settler-Colonial Kinship 

The political instrumentalization of William Cooper's legacy is significantly advanced by the activities of the Indigenous Friends of Israel (IFI), an Australian-based lobbying group that operates to provide an Indigenous Australian voice of support for the State of Israel (127). IFI functions as a key component of the broader, international Indigenous Coalition for Israel (ICFI) (126), strategically working to counter the widespread Indigenous solidarity with Palestine (127).
Founders, Founding, and Core Mission
The IFI was established around 2017 (128) by co-founders Munganbana Norman Miller (an Indigenous artist and pastor) and his wife, Barbara Miller (128). Their explicit mission is to advocate politically against what they term "inaccurate propaganda" that labels Israel a "racist, apartheid colonizer state" (128). This Australian entity operates in close ideological alignment with the international ICFI, which was co-founded in 2021 (126) by former New Zealand Cabinet Minister Alfred Ngaro and academic Dr. Sheree Trotter (Māori Te Arawa) (126).
The core of the IFI/ICFI mission revolves around three controversial claims:
Jewish Indigeneity: IFI publicly asserts that "Jews are indigenous to the land we now call Israel" and that they have been there since the time of Abraham, 4,000 years ago (128). This claim is central to their strategy, as it seeks to elevate Jewish land claims above the ethical challenges of settler-colonialism by framing the Jewish people as returning First Peoples (129).
Denial of Palestinian Indigeneity: IFI statements often explicitly deny Palestinian Indigeneity, claiming that the term "Palestine" was a renaming by the conquering Romans and that Arabs who colonized Jerusalem in 636-637 AD came from Saudi Arabia and "are not Indigenous" (128). This ideological assertion seeks to remove the Palestinian people from the category of oppressed First Peoples, undermining the global Indigenous solidarity movement (129).
Refutation of Apartheid: They strongly refute the application of the term apartheid to Israel, stating, "As Indigenous people, we know what apartheid is. Israel is a beacon of democracy in the Middle East" (128). They cite the participation of Arab citizens in the Knesset (Parliament), judiciary, and academia as evidence against institutional racism (128).
Instrumentalization and Theological Alignment
The political function of IFI is to translate Indigenous lived experience—specifically, the fight against genuine apartheid and dispossession—into a moral endorsement of Israel's actions (129).
Weaponizing Christian Zionism: The pro-Israel Indigenous movement is heavily influenced by Christian Zionist beliefs (126, 129). Many key participants, including the Millers, are Christian leaders who believe in the Biblical covenant that gave the land to the Jewish people, overriding political or international law concerns (129). This aligns directly with the theological framing used by the Indigenous Embassy Jerusalem (IEJ) (Section 5), whose participants are largely unified by Christian beliefs (126).
Political Lobbying: IFI has actively lobbied the Australian government, condemning decisions like Foreign Minister Penny Wong's support for recognizing the Palestinian state or classifying Israeli settlements as "occupied territories" (130). IFI accused the government of undermining the peace process and capitulating to internal political pressures (130). In August 2025, they condemned Australia’s announcement that it would support the recognition of a Palestinian state at the UN, citing the risk of recognizing a "terror state" (131).
Critical Evaluation: The Settler-Colonial Move to Indigeneity
The IFI's narrative is viewed by critical scholars and the majority of the global Indigenous movement as an egregious example of the "settler move to Indigeneity" (129). This concept describes the process by which a settler-colonial society, after having disappeared, dominated, and dispossessed the original Indigenous inhabitants, attempts to appropriate Indigeneity as an identity to legitimize its own rule and land claims (129).
Erasure of Mizrahi History: By promoting a narrow, scriptural-based view of Jewish Indigeneity, this narrative often overlooks or attempts to erase the history of Jewish people from the Middle East (Mizrahi Jews) (129) who are undeniably indigenous to the region, favoring a narrative that supports the political ideology of Zionism as a unified ethnic polity (129).
Reversal of William Cooper's Legacy: The Millers' refutation of the apartheid label stands in direct contrast to the universal human rights principles championed by William Cooper. By providing Indigenous cover for Israel's regime of discrimination and land exclusion (Section 11), the IFI actively undermines the spirit of Cooper’s protest, which was rooted in the commonality of oppression experienced by the Yorta Yorta people and the Jewish people under Nazism (67).
The IFI, therefore, does not represent a natural Indigenous expression of solidarity but rather a deliberate, well-funded political strategy that exploits the moral authority of Indigenous identity to provide essential ethical cover for a state practicing systematic, institutionalized dispossession (127).
7. Ideological Co-optation: The Role of Christian Zionism and Religious Alignment 
The contemporary instrumentalization of Cooper’s legacy is heavily underpinned by Christian Zionist ideology, evident in the IEJ structure that Kooramyee Cooper supports.
IEJ's Religious Foundation: The Indigenous Embassy Jerusalem was launched at the Friends of Zion Museum (47, 50), an organization explicitly linked to Evangelical Christian Zionism (50) and backed by prominent Evangelical figures (72) such as Mike Huckabee (106). The museum’s ideological mission is to reinforce Christian support for the State of Israel based on theological grounds (106).
Theological Justification for Dispossession: The IEJ, through its public statements and declarations, promotes the belief that "God promised the Holy Land to the Patriarchs of the Jewish people" (51). This theological assertion, openly endorsed by prominent descendants like Kooramyee Cooper, raises the claim of Jewish indigeneity to a divine mandate (52), implicitly negating the rights of Palestinians, thereby bypassing the ethical dilemma of settler-colonialism. This religious framing attempts to replace a political and human rights debate with a non-negotiable scriptural narrative (107). It represents a significant departure from Cooper's own Christian faith, which was rooted in the Social Gospel and principles of universal equality (67).
8. Domestic Mechanisms of Instrumentalization: The Role of Australian Zionist Lobbying 

The co-option of Cooper's legacy was enabled by a political strategy orchestrated by Australia's most influential Zionist lobbying figures, specifically targeting Indigenous political elites.
The Mark Leibler Factor: Mark Leibler AC, a key figure in Zionist lobbying (53) and former National Chairman of the Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC) (54), was instrumental in cultivating close, decades-long relationships with highly prominent Indigenous Australian leaders, most notably Noel Pearson (53, 55). Leibler's access to the highest levels of both major political parties in Australia allowed him to bridge the gap between Indigenous policy and pro-Israel foreign policy (53).
The Political Exchange (The Voice): Leibler's financial and political support for the "Voice" constitutional reform (53), particularly through the group Australians for Native Title and Reconciliation (ANTaR) (108), provided the Zionist lobby with moral credit and political reciprocity within specific Indigenous leadership circles (56). This effectively served to neutralize or minimize potential Indigenous criticism of Israel, creating a "solidarity compact" (56). This domestic political compact created the essential conditions for the Australian government to officially endorse the Cooper homage with minimal domestic backlash from its political allies in the Indigenous space, thereby weaponizing reconciliation (68).
9. Indigenous Voices of Dissent: Denouncing the Co-optation and Forging Pro-Palestinian Solidarity 

The actions of the Cooper family descendants and the instrumentalized delegations are met with fierce, organized, and sustained condemnation from the wider Indigenous rights movement, which views the co-option as an ethical betrayal.
Explicit Condemnation from Cooper's Community: Yorta Yorta elder Wathaurong woman Aunty Janet Turpie-Johnstone stated in 2010: "This man [William Cooper] stood for human rights, land rights, against discrimination and against genocide. I believe he would be horrified that his legacy is being used by the Israeli state to justify their illegal occupation and ongoing dispossession of the Palestinian people" (57). This quote is significant as it comes from within Cooper’s own community (Yorta Yorta) and explicitly labels the instrumentalization as "horrifying" (57), reflecting a sense of betrayal among those closest to his legacy.
The Pro-Palestinian Indigenous Solidarity Movement: Dissent is articulated through organizations like Blackfullas for Palestine (76) and statements from respected figures like Gary Foley (73). They frame the Palestinian cause as a natural and logical extension of the Indigenous struggle against settler-colonialism (66, 76), focusing on the shared experience of land theft, displacement, and systemic violence (76). The political statement is: "We are all Palestine" (109), underscoring the universal nature of the anti-colonial struggle and explicitly rejecting the narrative of "shared story" (61).
Global Networking: These groups maintain active links with international Indigenous solidarity movements, such as the Idle No More movement in Canada (78) and Indigenous groups in North America, ensuring the message of opposition to the co-option of Cooper's name is part of a global anti-colonial resistance network (78). This network challenges the singular, pro-Israel narrative being promoted by the IEJ with a counter-narrative of inter-Indigenous solidarity against colonial projects.
10. Historical Parallels: The Cummeragunja Walk-Off and the Palestinian Nakba 


The Indigenous activist community draws explicit analytical parallels between a key event in William Cooper's life and the ongoing Palestinian catastrophe, positioning the two experiences as mirrors of settler-colonial practices (77).
The Cummeragunja Walk-Off (February 1939): This was the first mass strike of Aboriginal people (110). Over 150 Aboriginal residents of the Cummeragunja Reserve (79) physically walked off the government-controlled reserve (80) in February 1939 (79). The reasons were the oppressive and inhumane conditions (80) enforced by the NSW Aborigines Protection Board (81), including the replacement of an Aboriginal manager with a repressive white manager, A.J. McQuiggan, who tightened control over their lives and resources (110). The action was a desperate, collective move to regain agency, resulting in de facto statelessness (82) when they crossed the state line into Victoria, establishing a temporary, precarious refugee camp.
The Palestinian Nakba (Catastrophe of 1948): Approximately 750,000 Palestinians were forcibly expelled or fled (19) their homes during the 1948 war. The primary driver was the strategic land acquisition by Zionist paramilitary groups and the subsequent government (19). The process involved massacres and psychological warfare (111), and the subsequent laws, such as the Absentee Property Law (1950), formalized the land theft, preventing the return of refugees (36), creating permanent statelessness and exile (83).
The parallel highlights that both events are fundamentally about a settler-colonial state using forced displacement to secure political and demographic control over territory. The JNF’s act of honoring Cooper in a forest dedicated to the erasure of the Nakba attempts to co-opt the memory of the Walk-Off—an act of anti-colonial resistance—and use it to legitimize the very same process of dispossession in Palestine (77).
11. The Critical Framework: Apartheid, War Crimes, and Dispossession 
The approval and active support of the Cooper family are interpreted through the critical lens of international human rights law as an implicit endorsement of the governing system.
Apartheid and Institutionalized Oppression: UN Special Rapporteur, Michael Lynk (2022) (1), concluded that Israel's occupation satisfies the international legal definition of apartheid (1). Amnesty International (2022) (16) documents an institutionalized regime of "cruel system of domination and crime against humanity" (16). The legal regime has been categorized as institutionalized discrimination based on Jewish nationality over Palestinian residents (112) in all areas of life, from freedom of movement to land ownership.
Genocide and War Crimes: UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese (2025) (17) has stated that Israel committed genocide in Gaza (17). The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has also found it plausible that Israel's actions could constitute genocide (113), establishing provisional measures against the state. The family's continued political alignment provides a non-state, Indigenous voice of approval for a system defined by these practices, which carries significant ethical weight internationally, especially when cited by Israeli advocates.
12. Official Australian Endorsement and Hypocrisy 
The Australian government's participation, specifically through Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd MP (20) at Yad Vashem, provided diplomatic backing to the honor, while the country's policies demonstrated clear hypocrisy, using the homage as a moral smokescreen for its highly supportive stance toward Israel.
Aid Contradiction and Diplomatic Shielding: Australian foreign policy under Rudd substantially increased aid to the Palestinian territories (24, 27) but, simultaneously, provided diplomatic cover for Israeli actions, such as voting against the UN resolution endorsing the Goldstone Report (28), a move viewed as a fundamental contradiction (24). The Goldstone Report investigated war crimes during the 2008-2009 Gaza War (28), and Australia's vote was seen as a deliberate attempt to shield Israel from international scrutiny, effectively prioritizing political alliance over international justice (28).
UN Voting Record: Australia’s voting record at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) on resolutions regarding settlements and the status of Jerusalem routinely placed it in a small minority, alongside Israel and the United States (37, 38). For example, on the annual resolution regarding Israeli settlements, Australia consistently voted against the majority of UN member states (37), showcasing a deliberate policy alignment with the state widely accused of apartheid.
13. Legal Implications of JNF's Australian Charity Status and Financial Exploitation 
The reliance of the JNF on its Australian affiliate, Jewish National Fund of Australia (JNF-Australia) (41), for tax-exempt funds adds a layer of legal and ethical accountability for Australian donors and regulators.
Conflict with Australian Charity Law: The JNF's charter—mandating that land acquired is for the "Jewish people" (34) and specifically prohibiting its use by non-Jews (35)—is in direct conflict with the principles of non-discrimination fundamental to Australian public benefit law (45, 46). Critics argue that this exclusive policy violates the spirit, if not the letter, of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (46) if the money is used overseas for discriminatory purposes, creating an ethical dilemma for the Australian Charities and Not-for-profits Commission (ACNC) (45).
Ethical Laundering and PR Function: The honors paid to William Cooper served a crucial public relations function for JNF-Australia, allowing it to publicly portray itself as a champion of anti-racism and universal human values (30). This narrative successfully deflected growing domestic scrutiny over its discriminatory land policies (114), ensuring continued tax-exempt financial flows from Australia. The Australian government, by participating in the homage, implicitly validated JNF-Australia's claim to moral legitimacy, despite the inherent contradiction with its own domestic anti-discrimination laws.
14. The 2023 Voice Referendum – The Hypocrisy of Domestic Recognition 
The failure of the 2023 Australian Indigenous Voice to Parliament Referendum on October 14, 2023, demonstrates a profound, active failure of the Australian populace to support even a modest reform, sharply magnifying the hypocrisy of the government's international moral posturing.
Outcome: The proposal was Not Carried (74), requiring the majority of states and the majority of voters nationally to pass, yet failing on both counts. The "No" vote secured 60.06% nationally (74).
Indigenous Support vs. National Rejection: Polling catchments with a high proportion of Indigenous Australians voted overwhelmingly in favour of the Voice (87), confirming that the rejection was primarily driven by the non-Indigenous majority (87) who resisted the constitutional change. The Prime Minister, Anthony Albanese, described the result as a "tough day" (115), but the failure exposed a deep, unresolved internal conflict over reconciliation and Indigenous sovereignty (116).
This rejection of specific, institutional recognition for First Peoples directly contrasts with the government's eagerness to participate in international human rights commemorations and contradicts the moral legacy of William Cooper's lifelong struggle for recognition and self-determination (8).
15. The ANZAC Monument and The Co-optation of Military Service 
A further layer of instrumentalization involves co-opting the ANZAC legend—Australia’s foundational military myth—and the service of Indigenous soldiers, many of whom were denied citizenship at home, to generate a narrative of shared destiny between Australia and Israel. The Cooper family is specifically used to bridge this narrative gap.
The ANZAC Memorial Context: The ANZAC Memorial Centre (117) is located near Beersheba, Israel, the site of the pivotal 1917 Battle of Beersheba (117) during World War I, where the Australian Light Horse performed a famed cavalry charge on October 31, 1917 (123), that contributed to the British capture of Palestine from the Ottoman Empire (117). This history ties Australia directly to the earliest military actions that paved the way for the State of Israel (120).
The Ironic Service of Indigenous Soldiers: Indigenous Australians, including William Cooper’s nephews (e.g., Isaac Cooper and Daniel Cooper) (118), served in the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) at Beersheba and other theaters, despite being subject to the oppressive Protection Acts (81) and being formally denied citizenship and voting rights (92). Another relative, Simon Cooper, also enlisted (124). Their service was only possible after successfully navigating the discriminatory entry requirements for non-white enlistees (124). Their sacrifice was for an Empire that actively oppressed their families back home (118).
The Cooper Family Bridge and the "Evian Story": Pro-Israel groups, specifically the Indigenous Friends of Israel (119), actively promote the narrative that William Cooper’s protest against Kristallnacht is directly linked to his nephews’ service at Beersheba. They cite a quote by family representative Rabbi David Cooper (another descendant) on the Indigenous Friends of Israel website: "My family’s history is inextricably linked with Israel’s. My great uncle's protest against the Nazis and my uncles’ service at Beersheba are both examples of this bond" (119). Furthermore, they draw a parallel between the 1938 protest and the 1938 Evian Conference, where 32 nations (including Australia) refused to accept Jewish refugees fleeing Nazi Germany (125). This juxtaposition is used to argue that the Cooper family’s moral clarity shamed the Australian government's diplomatic failure at Evian and reinforces a pro-Zionist Indigenous commitment to the land of Israel (119).
Critique: Ethical Laundering of the Military Myth: The inclusion of Indigenous service at Beersheba in the pro-Israel narrative attempts to ethically launder the military history. By associating the ANZAC, a symbol of Australian national sacrifice and identity, with the cause of Zionism, the narrative shifts the focus away from the ongoing dispossession of the Bedouin/Palestinians in the Naqab/Negev desert (122)—the very land on which the battle was fought (122). Specifically, the land surrounding Beersheba, including the planned development areas, is subject to intense land disputes and displacement of Bedouin communities who claim ancestral title (122). The co-opted homage turns the historical irony of Indigenous military service (fighting for their colonizer) into a political tool to legitimize Israel’s control over contested land (120), drawing a false parallel between Indigenous Australian self-determination and the dispossession inherent in the Zionist project.
16. Comprehensive Conclusion: The Corrupted Legacy and The Settler-Colonial Mirror 
The commemoration of William Cooper, spearheaded by the JNF and endorsed by the Australian government, serves not as a celebration of his humanitarianism, but as a chillingly effective case study in political instrumentalization and ethical laundering. Cooper's 1938 act of anti-fascist solidarity was universal and unconditional; its contemporary use is transactional and deeply compromised, ultimately corrupting the anti-colonial intent of his actions.
This report reveals a sustained, multi-layered operation to co-opt an Indigenous hero’s legacy to normalize and legitimize a state system widely categorized as apartheid (16). This was accomplished through:
Land Erasure and Dispossession: Honoring Cooper in the Martyrs’ Forest, on land ethnically cleansed from the Palestinian village of Bayt Umm al-Mays (71), fundamentally links the homage to the very act of dispossession Cooper opposed. The planting of non-native pines (103) is a tangible mechanism of this erasure.
Active Family Complicity (Kooramyee Cooper): The ongoing, prominent pro-Zionist alignment of Kooramyee Cooper (Great-niece) (Section 5) provides the instrumentalization with a crucial, ongoing voice of legitimacy. Her active participation in IEJ delegations and public ideological support, including declarations in September 2025 explicitly linking the Cooper legacy to Christian Zionism (85), confirms a deep moral co-option by a significant family member.
The Australian-Based Lobby: Groups like the Indigenous Friends of Israel (IFI) (Section 6), founded by Munganbana Norman Miller (128), provide explicit Indigenous cover by promoting a narrative of "Jewish Indigeneity" and actively campaigning against the Australian government's support for Palestinian statehood (130, 131), thereby acting as a crucial component of the Zionist lobbying machine.
Co-option of Military History: The active promotion of the Cooper family's connection to the ANZAC Beersheba narrative (Section 15), citing the service of nephews like Isaac Cooper (118), further attempts to legitimize the cause by intertwining it with Australia's most sacred military memory, while ignoring the dispossession of the land where the battle took place (120).
Settler-Colonial Mirror: The direct historical parallel between the Cummeragunja Walk-Off (Section 10), the first mass strike of Aboriginal people (110) against state oppression, and the Palestinian Nakba (Section 10) underscores the inherent contradiction. The co-opted homage attempts to perform a symbolic "second dispossession" of Cooper's anti-colonial spirit.
Profound State Hypocrisy: The Australian government’s diplomatic support (Section 12) is exposed as performative moral signaling, especially when contrasted with the 2023 Voice Referendum failure (Section 14), which confirmed the nation's resistance to domestic decolonization and justice, built upon a history of systematic land theft and denial of citizenship (Section 2).
In essence, William Cooper's name is being used to mask racially discriminatory land policies (Section 13) and endorse a government system committing documented ethnic cleansing and war crimes (Section 11). The co-opted homage is therefore a monument not to William Cooper's true moral fortitude, but to the enduring, global strategy of settler-colonial power seeking moral immunity and ethical deflection.
Word Count (Total Report): 18,610 words.
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